$10,000 award recognizes Netro’s 22 years of extraordinary contributions to conservation
Old Crow, Yukon, May 18th, 2021 – WWF-Canada and the Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society (CPAWS) are honored to announce the remarkable conservation efforts and achievements of Vuntut Gwitchin elder Lorraine Netro, the winner of the fifth and final Glen Davis Conservation Leadership Prize.
About the winner
Since 1999, Lorraine Netro has dedicated herself to protecting the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. The refuge is home to the calving grounds of the Porcupine caribou herd, which migrates between Canada and Alaska every year and holds great significance to the Gwich’in Nation. As part of this work, Netro has long advocated against oil development within the Arctic Refuge.
Netro also served two terms as MLA for the Vuntut Gwich’in, with shadow cabinet roles for the environment, women and justice. She is a board member for both the Gwich’in Steering Committee and Alaska Wilderness League and sits on the Advisory Committee on Climate Action and the Environment for the Assembly of First Nations.
Netro has been instrumental in guiding and mentoring the new generation of Gwitchin leaders, through her selfless advocacy and dedication to the Porcupine caribou. We are pleased to recognize her outstanding conservation efforts with the Glen Davis Conservation Leadership Prize.
About the Prize
The Glen Davis Conservation Prize has been a 5-year joint project between WWF-Canada and The Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society (CPAWS). This prize was first established in 2017, on the 10th anniversary of Davis’s death to honour his nationally significant contributions. 2021 marks the final year that the prize will be awarded.
Lorraine Netro, Old Crow, Yukon, says:
“I am truly humbled and honored by this special recognition to receive the Glen Davis award. Glen Davis’s honorable conservation legacy in Canada and beyond is truly memorable and significant.
Mahsi cho to all who made this happen.
As a Gwitchin, it is our belief that we do not accept honorable recognition for ourselves. I will accept this award on behalf of my family, community, our nation, for all those who came before me and those who will come after me, and those who walk with us to protect our Sacred Lands, the animals and waters. Being stewards of our lands has been taught to us from generation to generation, it is our responsibility to our children, grandchildren and all future generations. More so today with threats to our Sacred places and traditional way of life, the challenges of Climate Change and living in pandemic. Our voice, our work is not done until we have permanent protection for our sacred places.”
Sandra Schwartz, National Executive Director, CPAWS, says:
“CPAWS is thrilled to recognize Lorraine Netro for this year’s Glen Davis Prize. Lorraine is a respected Vuntut Gwitchin elder who has been working tirelessly for more than 20 years to protect the Arctic Refuge and the Porcupine caribou herd. In that time, she has travelled across North America and visited Washington D.C. dozens of times to speak about the importance of the Porcupine caribou herd for the lives of Gwich’in people. Her first speaking tour in the U.S. was part of the Caribou Commons campaign, which Glen Davis helped fund, so it is a fitting tribute to his legacy that Lorraine is this year’s award recipient. She has never been paid for her conservation work but has done it for the good of her community.”
Monte Hummel, president emeritus of WWF-Canada, says:
“Glen would have been so pleased to see Lorraine win this prize. He helped fund her hard work to protect the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and, on many occasions, personally followed the Porcupine caribou herd during their migration. I even camped with him in the Refuge itself – surrounded by caribou on their sacred calving grounds. Glen loved that place deeply.”
About the Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society
The Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society (CPAWS) is Canada’s only nationwide charity dedicated solely to the protection of our public land, ocean, and freshwater, and ensuring our parks and protected areas are managed to protect nature. Since 1963, we have played a leading role in protecting over half a million square kilometres. Our vision is to protect at least half of Canada’s public land and water in a framework of reconciliation – for the benefit of wildlife and people. For more information about CPAWS and the work we do to safeguard Canada’s natural heritage, visit cpaws.org. Join our community on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and LinkedIn. Donate today. Take action.
About World Wildlife Fund Canada
WWF-Canada creates solutions to the environmental challenges that matter most for Canadians. We work in places that are unique and ecologically important, so that nature, wildlife and people thrive together. Because we are all wildlife. For more information, visit wwf.ca.
Contact
Tracy Walden
National Director, Communications and Development, CPAWS
twalden@cpaws.org
613-915-4857
Op-Ed: There’s momentum for mining reform
Written by Randi Newton | May 13, 2021
Photo by Malkolm Boothroyd, mining in Keno.
The territory’s mining legislations need a substantial overhaul.
Read the full editorial as published in the Yukon News on May 13th, 2021.
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Op-Ed: There’s momentum for mining reform
The Yukon’s mining laws were enacted over a hundred years ago. Despite minor updates, they haven’t kept pace with the scale of mining seen today, or with the territory’s social, political, and legal landscape. I had hoped the development of the Mineral Development Strategy would provide a blueprint for bringing the territory’s mining laws into stride with 21st century expectations and realities.
While the final strategy, released this April, includes many progressive recommendations and is a big step forward, it isn’t enough to move past the mire of issues linked to the Yukon’s current mining regime.
True, it does include powerful mentions of reconciliation and honouring Aboriginal rights, respecting the wellbeing of people and the environment, and managing mining in a forward thinking way. But its recommendations fall short in fully and consistently advancing all of these ideas. First Nations and many others pointed out the shortcoming of the draft strategy but most of these flaws were not resolved in the final document.
Despite this, I remain optimistic that mining in the territory can be reshaped, to ensure that the health of the land, people and communities comes first, and that the benefits and opportunities that mining can bring are equitably shared. The Mineral Development Strategy is just one of multiple forces pushing the territory in that direction.
These forces include notable court cases, like the Supreme Court of Canada’s Peel Watershed ruling that upheld the right of First Nations to meaningfully participate in resource management in their traditional territories. It also includes the Yukon Court of Appeal’s 2012 ruling, which found the Yukon government had a duty to consult Ross River Dena Council before granting quartz mineral claims, and that the territory’s free entry mining system conflicted with this duty.
Despite these legal victories, policies and legislation can shift frustratingly slowly. If change was quicker to arrive, the First Nation of Na-Cho Nyäk Dun wouldn’t have had to launch legal action against the territorial government for failing to properly consult before they approved mineral exploration in the Tsé Tagé (Beaver River) Watershed. But this case also shows that people and First Nation governments will continue to stand up for meaningful reform.
Momentum for mining reform was also on display at the Yukon Water Board’s October 2020 public hearing on placer mining in wetlands. While the board has not yet acted on that hearing, First Nations and environmental organizations sent a clear message that placer mining in undisturbed wetlands must be paused until a framework is in place to protect the ecological integrity of these habitats and to respect Aboriginal Rights.
Other signs of change include Yukon government’s rejection of Atac Resources’ 65 km mining exploration road through the pristine Tsé Tagé Watershed, a project that may have gone ahead had the government’s review been less thoughtful. Another recent example was the federal government directing the Yukon Environmental and Socio-Economic Review Board (YESAB) to revisit and better address the likely impacts of the Kudz ze Kyah mine, including the decline of the Finlayson caribou herd and resulting impacts on Kaska Dena rights. This shows it’s becoming less acceptable for projects to move forward with unproven plans to avoid and address impacts on wildlife, water and the land.
These forces of change are reflected in the attitudes of Yukoners. Recent independent polling commissioned by CPAWS Yukon and the Yukon Conservation Society shows that:
- 60 per cent of Yukoners think that our territory’s mining laws are too weak (only 24 per cent think they’re strong enough);
- 72 per cent agree that much more should be done to clean up mines after they’re closed; and
- 78 per cent support ambitious conservation goals, the same or higher than Canada’s target to protect 30 per cent of land and waters by 2030.
While many of the recommendations in the Yukon Mineral Development Strategy would improve the mining rules currently in place, the changes envisioned in the strategy will likely be outpaced by the forces mentioned above. The final strategy doesn’t resolve key issues, like mining and other development moving forward ahead of land use planning or attaining free, prior, and informed consent from First Nations. This leaves mineral development at odds with other values and uses of land, and in conflict with First Nation rights.
As another example, CPAWS Yukon and others had hoped the strategy would call for a pause on mineral staking and development at the start of land use planning. Otherwise, a steady stream of permits quickly reduces options to thoughtfully consider other uses of land and can introduce complicated wranglings for compensation. Unfortunately, the final strategy caps temporary staking withdrawals at 20 per cent of a planning region, a number that’s arbitrary and inadequate for preserving other land values while planning is ongoing.
We were also concerned by some of the recommendations to streamline the regulatory system. While this is an admiral goal on the surface, a number of the strategy’s recommendations would achieve it at the expense of accountability and transparency. One example is a recommendation to create a government liaison position to guide proponents through the mining regulatory system. Having the government act as both regulator and client advisor creates a conflict of interest and can impede the ability of regulators to act in the public interest.
Yet the strategy also includes recommendations that will bring about overdue and powerful changes. Most significantly, it calls on the Yukon to modernize its woefully outdated mining laws. Engagement submissions from First Nations, environmental organizations and many Yukoners show the expectation is for legislation to be brought fully in line with the Final Agreements and Aboriginal rights, as well as environmental and cultural sustainability.
The Mineral Development Strategy also places rightful priority on continuing land use planning across the territory, and on making sure there is funding available to do planning properly.
As with the draft, the strategy calls for a comprehensive review of our royalty system, so that more of the profits that are extracted out of the land flow back to Yukoners and First Nations, and future generations. It also includes progressive new mechanisms like a Heritage Fund and a payroll tax for fly-in workers. These policies would help deliver more consistent and fair financial, social and ecological returns to the Yukon.
Most meaningfully, the development of the Yukon Mineral Development Strategy sparked an important and lively public discussion about how to best reshape mining in the territory, for the betterment of the land, climate, wildlife, people, and communities. Even if the strategy itself didn’t fully capture all of the contributing voices, this conversation will continue as people work together to shape the future of the territory.
There’s momentum to reimagine mining
There’s momentum to reimagine mining
Header Image by Malkolm Boothroyd
Written by Randi Newton, Conservation Manager
I was optimistic that the final Yukon Mineral Development Strategy, released this April, would be stronger than the draft that came out in late 2020, providing a strong blueprint for reshaping mining in the territory. While the final version includes some tweaks and a few new recommendations, the documents are substantially the same, at least where the environment and honouring the Final Agreements and Aboriginal rights are concerned.
Before I dive into the final strategy, where does this leave the fate of mining reform in the territory? Well, the strategy, which includes many progressive and long overdue recommendations, is a big step forward. But that step isn’t big enough to move past the mire of issues linked to the Yukon’s current mining regime.
And yet, I remain optimistic that mining in the territory can be reshaped. The Mineral Development Strategy is just one of multiple forces pushing the territory’s mining regime in a direction where the health of the land, people and communities can come first, and where the benefits and opportunities that mining can bring are equitably shared.
These forces include notable court cases, like the Supreme Court of Canada’s Peel Watershed ruling that upheld the right of First Nations to meaningfully participate in resource management in their traditional territories, as embedded in the Final Agreements. It includes the Yukon Court of Appeal’s 2012 ruling, which found that the Yukon Government had a duty to consult Ross River Dena Council before granting quartz mineral claims, and that the territory’s free entry mining system conflicted with this duty.
Despite these legal victories, it is true that the pace of change for policies, legislation and attitudes to shift can be frustratingly slow. If change was quicker to arrive, the First Nation of Na-Cho Nyäk Dun wouldn’t have had to launch legal action against the territorial government for failing to properly consult ahead of approving mineral exploration in the Tsé Tagé (Beaver River) Watershed. But this case also shows that people and First Nation governments will continue to stand up for meaningful mining reform.
Momentum for mining reform was also on display at the Yukon Water Board’s October 2020 public hearing on placer mining in wetlands. While the Board has not yet released the outcomes from that hearing, First Nations and environmental organizations sent a clear message that placer mining in undisturbed wetlands must be paused until a framework is in place to protect the ecological integrity of these habitats and to respect Aboriginal Rights.
Other signs of change include Yukon Government’s rejection of Atac Resources’ 65 km mining exploration road through the pristine Tsé Tagé Watershed, a project that may have gone ahead had the government’s review been less thoughtful.
And as a final example, the federal government recently directed the Yukon Environmental and Socio-Economic Review Board to re-evaluate the Kudz ze Kyah mine, stating the original assessment didn’t properly consider the likely decline of the Finlayson caribou herd and resulting impacts on Kaska Dena rights. The Board was split on the fate of the mine after re-evaluation and the future of the project is back in the hands of the federal government. This situation signals it’s becoming less acceptable for projects to move forward in the face of serious risks and unproven mitigations.
These forces of change are reflected in the attitudes of Yukoners. Recent independent polling commissioned by CPAWS Yukon and the Yukon Conservation Society showed that:
- 60% of Yukoner’s think that our territory’s mining laws are too weak (only 24% think they’re strong enough).
- 72% agree that much more should be done to clean up mines after they’re closed.
- And 78% support ambitious conservation goals, the same or higher than Canada’s target to protect 30% of land and waters by 2030.
While most of the recommendations in the Yukon Mineral Development Strategy are more progressive than the mining rules currently in place, the changes envisioned in the strategy will likely be outpaced by other forces of change.
True, the strategy includes powerful mentions of reconciliation and honouring Aboriginal rights, respecting the wellbeing of people and the environment, and managing mining in a forward thinking way, but it falls short in putting forth recommendations to advance all of these ideas. First Nations, environmental organizations and many Yukoners pointed out the draft strategy’s shortcomings and inconsistencies but disappointingly most of these flaws were not resolved in the final strategy.
Major weaknesses of the Mineral Development Strategy
We had hoped the final strategy would call for a region-wide, temporary withdrawal of land from mineral staking and development at the outset of land use planning. Instead, it limits withdrawals to areas with “specific high-value environmental, social and cultural attributes,” arbitrarily capped at 20% of a planning region. Since the point of planning is to identify ecologically and culturally valuable areas, these areas could be lost to development without a withdrawal in place.
As Trʼondëk Hwëchʼin Chief Roberta Joseph pointed out in a recent CBC article, this recommendation “is not really a balanced approach,” and that “There’s no fairness in a plan that’s already being dictated by all of the permits and licences that are being issued.”
The final strategy also didn’t resolve the issue of mining and other development moving forward ahead of land use planning or attaining free, prior, and informed consent from First Nations. This leaves mineral development at odds with other values and uses of land, and in conflict with First Nation rights.
We had hoped the strategy would strengthen its stance on addressing climate change and include recommendations for renewable energy use at mine sites, measures to reduce mine energy demands at times of peak demand, and industry targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in line with the Paris Agreement.
We were also concerned by recommendations to streamline the regulatory system at the expense of accountability, transparency, and alignment with the Final Agreements and Aboriginal rights. This includes bundling the currently independent Yukon Water Board into the environmental and socio-economic assessment process and creating industry liaison positions within Yukon Government, creating a risk for regulatory capture and compromising the ability of regulators to act in the public interest.
Strengths of the Mineral Development Strategy
The strategy also includes recommendations that will bring about overdue and powerful changes. As with the draft, the final strategy calls on the Yukon to modernize its woefully outdated mining laws. While we think the strategy places undue limits on what these changes should include, engagement submissions from First Nations, environmental organizations and many Yukoners show the expectation is for legislation to be brought fully in line with the Final Agreements and Aboriginal rights, as well as environmental and cultural sustainability.
The Mineral Development Strategy also places rightful priority on continuing land use planning across the territory, and ensuring the capacity and resources exist to do planning properly.
As with the draft, the strategy calls for a comprehensive review of our royalty system, so that more of the profits that are extracted out of the land flow back to Yukoners and First Nations, and future generations. It also includes progressive new mechanisms, including an Industrial Water Tax, payroll tax for fly-in workers, and establishing a Heritage Fund. These policies would help deliver fairer financial, social and ecological returns to the Yukon, and smooth out some of the bumps that come with boom and bust resource economies.
Most meaningfully, the development of the Yukon Mineral Development Strategy sparked an important and lively public discussion about how to best reshape mining in the territory, for the betterment of the land, climate, wildlife, people, and communities. Even if the strategy itself didn’t fully capture all of the contributing voices, this conversation will continue as people work together to shape the future of the territory.
New poll affirms Yukoners want strong environmental protection
New poll affirms Yukoners want strong environmental protection
Yukoners overwhelmingly support ambitious conservation measures, according to a new DataPath poll. The results affirm Yukoners’ concern for the environment, and are a reminder to the territory’s next government that issues like climate change, conservation, and mining reform must be priorities.
In addition to these results, the federal government is also investing heavily in nature conservation and climate change mitigation strategies, giving the Yukon an opportunity to grow our green economy and achieve numerous conservation wins in the coming years.
Want to take a deep dive into the numbers? You can view the results from the poll below:
The poll was commissioned by CPAWS Yukon and the Yukon Conservation Society, and was conducted independently by DataPath Systems. The poll surveyed 425 Yukon adults, and is considered accurate to within 4.8 percent, 19 times out of 20.
New poll affirms Yukoners want strong environmental protection
Whitehorse YT- Yukoners overwhelmingly support ambitious conservation measures, according to a new DataPath poll. The results affirm Yukoners’ concern for the environment, and are a reminder to the territory’s next government that issues like climate change, conservation, and mining reform must be priorities.
78% of respondents supported strong targets for the protection of land and water in the Yukon, giving the next Yukon government a clear mandate from the public to be leaders in conservation. This should be achieved through the land use planning process, and by working with First Nations with unceded territory to protect their lands.
Two thirds of respondents backed a target of 100 percent renewable energy generation for the territory. With increasing opportunities to grow wind, hydro and solar generation, this goal should be a target for 2030 in close alignment with Our Clean Future.
Over 70 percent of those polled agreed that much more should be done to clean up mines after closure, while less than a quarter thought the Yukon’s current mining laws were adequate. The newly released Mineral Development Strategy also calls for an overhaul of the Yukon’s century-old mining laws, to bring them in line with the Final Agreements and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
“Over the course of its mandate the Yukon’s next government will make decisions with big environmental consequences, and this polling makes clear that Yukoners have high expectations,” said CPAWS Yukon Executive Director, Chris Rider.
“This poll shows that the new government must confront greenhouse gas emissions through green energy initiatives and tackle the failures of the mining industry with stricter laws and tougher strategies,” stated Coral Voss, Executive Director, YCS.
In addition to these results, the federal government is also investing heavily in nature conservation and climate change mitigation strategies, giving the Yukon an opportunity to grow our green economy and achieve numerous conservation wins in the coming years.
The poll was commissioned by CPAWS Yukon and the Yukon Conservation Society, and was conducted independently by DataPath Systems. The poll surveyed 425 Yukon adults, and is considered accurate to within 4.8 percent, 19 times out of 20.
Polling Results
Much more needs to be done to ensure satisfactory mine clean-up after a mine closes. | Completely Disagree | 6% |
Somewhat Disagree | 8% | |
Neither Agree or Disagree | 14% | |
Somewhat Agree | 23% | |
Completely Agree | 49% | |
The current laws that regulate the mining industry are sufficient as they are. | Completely Disagree | 25% |
Somewhat Disagree | 35% | |
Neither Agree or Disagree | 18% | |
Somewhat Agree | 16% | |
Completely Agree | 6% | |
Having all energy generation in the Yukon coming from renewable sources should be a Yukon target. | Completely Disagree | 8% |
Somewhat Disagree | 10% | |
Neither Agree or Disagree | 16% | |
Somewhat Agree | 29% | |
Completely Agree | 38% | |
The Federal government’s target is to permanently protect 25% of Canada’s land and waters by 2025 and 30% of land and waters by 2030. Do you think this target is: | Too low (more land and water than that should be protected) | 31.1% |
About right | 45.7% | |
Too high (less land and water than that should be protected) | 23.1% | |
Do you think the Yukon government should set a target that is: | Lower than the Federal target | 21.6% |
The same as the Federal target | 31.2% | |
Higher than the Federal target | 47.1% |
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Contact
Adil Darvesh | Communications Coordinator, CPAWS Yukon
867-393-8080 x9 | adarvesh@cpawsyukon.org
Debborah Donnelly | Director, Outreach and Communications, Yukon Conservation Society
867-668-5678 x1 | outreach@yukonconservation.org
CPAWS Yukon pleased to see nature investments as key part of Budget 2021
Whitehorse, Yukon – The Yukon Chapter of the Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society (CPAWS Yukon) is pleased to see the federal government provide historic investments in nature conservation; announced today by the federal government as part of Budget 2021.
Budget 2021 proposes to provide the Yukon Government with $25 million in 2021-2022 to support climate change priorities, $2.3 billion nationwide over 5 years to reach targets of 25% protection of land by 2025 and puts special emphasis on Indigenous Guardians programs and working with Indigenous peoples to address species at risk.
The funding announced today also underscores the value of investing in nature conservation as part of pandemic recovery.
As the COVID19 pandemic forced Yukoners to change their way of life, wild spaces played a key role in helping us cope. The evidence is clear that such investments in establishing and managing protected areas, Indigenous-led conversation, and Indigenous Guardian programs are critical to stemming loss of wild spaces and providing Yukoners with improved mental and physical health. These investments in conservation will help ensure that nature will continue to help Yukoners.
“The new Yukon Government will have a golden opportunity to set ambitious conservation targets and meet our climate goals while growing our green economy. Through land use planning and other tools, the Yukon is uniquely positioned to take advantage of these commitments and to ensure a lasting legacy for generations to come” said Chris Rider, Executive Director of the Yukon Chapter.
Today’s funding announcement added onto the funding from Budget 2018 represents the largest investment in nature conservation in Canada’s history.
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Contact
Adil Darvesh | Communications Coordinator, CPAWS Yukon
867-393-8080 x9 | adarvesh@cpawsyukon.org
View Budget 2021 here: https://www.budget.gc.ca/2021/
Three Key Environmental Issues for the Yukon Election
Myrtle Warbler (Setophaga coronata ssp. coronata)
The Yukon’s next government will have to make some big decisions, with long lasting implications for the Yukon’s land, water, wildlife, climate—and people. Here are three key issues we’re keeping our eye on.
Will the next government take on mining reform?
The Yukon’s Quartz Mining Act is 97 years old, and our Placer Mining Act is 115 years old. Unlike fine wine and Scotch, mining legislation does not improve with age.
Our mining laws provide few safeguards against mining companies going bankrupt, abandoning their mines, and leaving Yukoners with the bill. The royalty system is so outdated that the Yukon routinely gets more money from camping fees than mining. And under the Yukon’s free entry mining system, you can pound a stake into the earth and claim a series of land rights that can interfere with the realization of the First Nation rights and title.
Many Yukoners and First Nations have been calling for long-overdue changes to how mining happens in the Yukon. Will the territory’s next government have the courage to rewrite the Yukon’s mining laws so they recognize the realities of today’s society?
What lessons has the Yukon government learned from the Peel Land Use Planning saga, and what will happen when the Dawson Land Use Planning Commission presents its plan?
The Peel saga is thankfully mostly behind us, but there could be some drama in store now that land use planning is happening in the Dawson Region. The Dawson planning commission is facing some huge decisions, like whether to limit placer mining in wetlands along the Indian River, and whether to prevent resource roads from cutting into the expanse of roadless lands north of Dawson.
We’re likely to see the Final Recommended Land Use Plan for the Dawson Region within the term of the next government. This was the stage in the Peel land use planning saga when everything went off the rails. The Yukon government abandoned the Final Recommended Plan, and instead approved a land use plan that it had unilaterally created. The case wound its way through the courts for six years, before the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that the Yukon government had violated the Umbrella Final Agreement. How the Yukon government chooses to act when presented with the Final Recommended Plan for Dawson will be a test of what lessons the Yukon has learned from the Peel.
How will the Yukon respond to the climate emergency?
In 2019 the Yukon declared a climate emergency and last fall the Yukon released Our Clean Future, a plan that aims to reduce the Yukon’s greenhouse gas emissions by 30% by 2030. Emissions from the mining industry aren’t included in this target and the plan calls for the mining industry to meet as of yet undetermined “intensity targets.” Intensity targets are about efficiency, like reducing the amount of carbon used to produce an ounce of gold. Intensity targets aren’t absolute targets. That means that if more mines open up then the Yukon’s mining emissions—and overall emissions could still increase—even if individual mines are meeting their intensity targets.
Another challenge for the Yukon’s next government will be cutting the use of fossil fuels in power generation. Most of the Yukon’s electricity comes from hydro, but as more mines plug into the grid there’s a heavier burden on our electricity supply. The demand for power spikes even higher during winter cold snaps, forcing Yukon Energy to burn natural gas and diesel to make up for the shortfall. There are ways that the Yukon could address this problem, like increasing the Yukon’s clean energy generation, incentivizing energy efficiency, or investing in ways to store energy when there’s a surplus and using it during peak times. The Yukon could also require mines to go through a climate change assessment to better understand their impact on the Yukon’s greenhouse gas emissions.
CPAWS Yukon and the Yukon Conservation Society asked each party these questions, and many more. To see what they said, visit www.votewild.ca.
Mining should Respect Land Use Planning, Not Race Against It
A ram’s horn, in a valley north of Dawson by: Malkolm Boothroyd
Written by: Maegan McCaw, Conservation Coordinator, and Randi Newton, Conservation Manager
While planning has been underway in the Dawson Region since 2019, hopes of protecting areas and setting thresholds on development have been pitted against a steady stream of staking and mineral development. The most recent example is the proposed Coal Creek quartz exploration project, which sits in Tr’ondek Hwech’in traditional territory, 85 km north of Dawson City in a large area of intact wilderness.
The Coal Creek project is just the latest in a slew of projects that threaten to undermine the promise of the Dawson Regional Land Use Plan and broader commitments to land use planning and co-management in the Umbrella Final Agreement. Because of this, CPAWS Yukon is asking the Yukon Environmental and Socio-economic Board to reject or pause its assessment of the project until the land use plan is complete. Just last month, CPAWS asked for a similar pause on the Antimony Creek quartz exploration project, perched only 2.5 km from Tombstone Territorial Park.
Land use planning is a powerful tool for bringing people together and creating a sustainable future for the territory’s land, waters, wildlife and people. Embedded in the Umbrella Final Agreement, regional land use planning provides a vision and a roadmap for Yukoners and First Nations to protect, use, and manage land and resources. Planning can protect areas that are ecologically or culturally important, and can also set out areas where development is allowed at certain thresholds.
The Coal Creek project involves a lot of air traffic (up to 700 helicopter and 60 fixed-wing aircraft flights annually), which is known to disturb sheep and caribou, ultimately lowering their weight and reproductive success. This is all to support quartz exploration activities targeting copper, cobalt, gold and silver across the 63 km2 Monster property. Exploration activities are proposed to occur over 10 years, and include drilling, trenching, soil sampling, trail construction and line cutting. ATVs and 4×4 vehicles will be used at first but, if exploration reveals a large deposit, an access road will likely be constructed. The proponent, Go Metals Corp, has revealed few details about future access roads but also estimates 15 km of new on-claim roads would need to be constructed.
These activities would cut into a large, undisturbed wilderness area that supports healthy wildlife populations and sustainable hunting, trapping, and outfitting activities. This area is important habitat for grizzly bears, moose, sheep, caribou, and raptors, and is a top candidate to be protected by the Dawson Land Use Plan. If this project is approved, it is likely to degrade this large wilderness area through habitat fragmentation, disturbance – both from ground and air-based activities – and access, which increases the feasibility for other mineral exploration programs and increased hunting pressure. What’s more, don’t forget that mineral exploration work has the potential to lead to an open pit or underground mine, depending on the quality of the mineral deposits detected. Is that what we want in one of the least disturbed areas of the Dawson region?
Questions like this are meant to be answered through the Dawson Land Use Planning process, in line with the intent of the Final Agreements, not by a race against the clock.
If you think development like this should be paused until the Dawson Regional Plan is complete, there are two things you can do:
- Let YESAB know you think the project should be deferred until the Dawson Land Use Plan is complete. Click here to be taken to the project page, and then click on “Add a Comment”. You can simply write in a comment or upload a letter. Comments are due February 17. If you need more information, you can read our full submission.
- Provide input on the draft Yukon Mineral Development Strategy. This strategy is a chance to reimagine mining in the territory, and could put a stop to incompatible development going ahead of land use planning. CPAWS has an info page with links to send a letter or take the survey. Input is due February 22.
Making Mining Make Sense with CPAWS Yukon
CPAWS Yukon hosted its first in-person event in over a year this past Sunday, at the Kwanlin Dun Cultural Centre (KDCC), screening the film The Shadow of Gold, along with an info session about the Yukon Mineral Development Strategy (YMDS) and its current public comment period.
Sunday’s event kicked off three consecutive film events organized by CPAWS over the next three weeks, two of which are in-person events at the KDCC.
“We feel extremely fortunate and excited to finally be able to host in-person events, it’s been a long time. Over the past few months we’ve seen that in-person film events can be run safely in Yukon, and we are so happy to be able to present these two great films on the big screen.” says Joti Overduin, CPAWS Yukon’s Outreach Manager. “This last public feedback period of the YMDS is a crucial step in how Yukoners can shape the future of how mining is done in the Territory. It’s amazing to have this opportunity to update some people face-to-face in addition to our online events and website info.”
The next in-person screening is on Saturday February 20th at 4pm, and in addition to The Shadow of Gold CPAWS will feature a new short film by local filmmaker and CPAWS Yukon’s Campaign Coordinator, Malkolm Boothroyd. Malkolm’s film, titled You Almost Forget Where You Are, takes you on a journey down the Indian River with staff and citizens of and Tr’ondëk Hwëch’in First Nation. Find out why it’s a river unlike any other in the Yukon.
Tickets to events are by donation, and can be ordered both online or by phone at 393-8080 ext 5.
Thursday February 18, 8 – 9 PM online: You Almost Forget Where You Are (a short film about the Indian River) + CPAWS’ info session Making Mining Make Sense
Saturday Feb 20, 4 PM at the KDCC: Double Feature: You Almost Forget Where You Are (a short film about the Indian River) + The Shadow of Gold
Get Tickets Here: https://cpawsyukon.org/events/
Contact
Adil Darvesh, CPAWS Yukon Communications Coordinator
adarvesh@cpawsyukon.org | 867-393-8080 x9
The United States has a new President. What does that mean for the Arctic Refuge?
The United States has a new President. What does that mean for the Arctic Refuge?
Written by Malkolm Boothroyd, Campaigns Coordinator
The Trump administration did one big favour for the Arctic Refuge.
That felt really weird to write.
This is the same administration that we’re suing over their illegal environmental review in the Arctic Refuge, the same one that tried to approve seismic testing in critical caribou and polar bear habitat. The administration that fast tracked a lease sale in the Arctic Refuge in its final weeks in office. But this onslaught served an unintended purpose too—putting the Arctic Refuge top of mind, and making its protection a priority for President Biden.
For the last four years everybody’s focus has been about defending the Arctic Refuge against a deluge of development, and it’s exciting that we can finally start working for protection. The new administration has already announced that it will place “a temporary moratorium on all oil and natural gas leasing activities in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.” Here some of the other paths towards protecting the Arctic Refuge.
President Biden’s Day One action to suspend leasing activities in the Arctic Refuge sets an example the new leadership at the Department of Interior can follow. The department could reject the applications to conduct seismic testing on the Coastal Plain. They could investigate impropriety in the issuance of leases following this month’s lease sale. The new administration could also conduct a review of the entire oil and gas leasing program in the Arctic Refuge and take a proper look at the ecological, human rights and climate issues that their predecessors ignored.
The results of the senate elections in Georgia mean that there’s now a pathway to repealing Section 20001 of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act—the clause that opened the Coastal Plain of Arctic Refuge to leasing in 2017. This could happen through a process called budget reconciliation, since budget-related legislation only needs fifty one senate votes to pass, not sixty.
Scrapping Section 20001 would return the Coastal Plain to the state of semi-protection it occupied for decades, off-limits for leasing, but at the whim of future Congresses. Permanently protecting the Arctic Refuge would require sixty votes to clear the Senate, which remains a high bar.
Unfortunately repealing Section 20001 wouldn’t deal with the leases that have already been issued. However, the lawsuit that the Gwich’in Steering Committee, CPAWS Yukon and a dozen other groups launched last August could help with that. We’ve asked the court to invalidate the previous administration’s environmental review, and any leases or permits that stemmed from that review. If a judge sides with us, they could void the leases.
The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority is the largest leaseholder, but under the terms of the lease sale it must pay $4.8 million a year to hold onto its leases. It’s clear to pretty much everybody that drilling in the Arctic Refuge is terrible business (why no major banks in Canada or the U.S. will ever fund development there, and why only two private companies showed up to the lease sale). Having to pay millions of dollars a year to sit on leases that almost nobody wants developed might snap the State of Alaska back to reality.
The Arctic Refuge has been under an immense threat for the past four years, but together we’ve managed to hold the line. Now the work to build back the protections for the Arctic Refuge begins.